The Great Social Laboratory: Subjects of Knowledge in by Omnia El Shakry

By Omnia El Shakry

The good Social Laboratory charts the improvement of the human sciences—anthropology, human geography, and demography—in past due 19th- and twentieth-century Egypt. Tracing either highbrow and institutional genealogies of data construction, this booklet examines social technological know-how via a huge diversity of texts and cultural artifacts, starting from the ethnographic museum, to architectural designs, to that top of social clinical research—”the article.” the writer explores the interface among ecu and Egyptian social clinical discourses and interrogates the bounds of data creation in a colonial and post-colonial surroundings. She examines the complicated imperatives of race, classification, and gender within the Egyptian colonial context, uncovering the recent modes of governance, services, and social wisdom that outlined a particular period of nationalist politics within the inter- and post-war sessions. eventually, she examines the discursive box mapped out via colonial and nationalist discourses at the racial id of the trendy Egyptians.

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Extra info for The Great Social Laboratory: Subjects of Knowledge in Colonial and Postcolonial Egypt

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Since 1865, only 15 per cent of what is a relatively small total of premarital pregnancies actually occurred amongst members of the farming community. 5 per cent of the females concerned were drawn from the farming community. Thus, not only age at marriage but also general sexual behaviour was tightly controlled in and for this powerful property system. Sexual behaviour must be interpreted in terms of the NEPHEWS, DOWRIES, SONS AND MOTHERS 31 overriding importance of the goals of a familistic farm system and the kind of marriage that system has entailed.

In the place of stability and durability are emigration and change. ‘It is the lonesomest history you ever heard’ is how Dermot Hanrahan described it. This was, and is, the pattern for the majority of the smaller farms in the more remote and poorer townlands’. g. the man who sold his farm and went to work for the County Council). Again, one notes that there is no male heir for the Boolakennedy farm where the sons have left farming, pushed out by the rushy fields that could provide a means of subsistence in the nineteenth century but which offer little attraction when the emigrant ship and the wage packet have become a reality in such small farming communities.

In south-west Tipperary, succession by the youngest son is confined to the smaller farms. Unlike the larger farmer who attempts to strike a balance between the freedom to advantage one heir on the one hand and ensure equality of treatment to most if not all other members of the family on the other, the smaller farmer has no such freedom; he/she does not have sufficient land and capital or the kin and psychological resources to do this. On many smaller farms, it is not now a question of selecting an heir but rather one of adapting to the migration histories of such small-farm families.

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