By Paul O'Brien
How did Mussolini come to fascism? normal money owed of the dictator have didn't clarify satisfactorily the transition from his pre-World conflict I "socialism" to his post-war fascism. This debatable new e-book is the 1st to ascertain Mussolini's political trajectory throughout the nice warfare via his journalistic writings, speeches and conflict diary. the writer argues that the 1914-18 clash supplied the catalyst for Mussolini to elucidate his deep-rooted nationalist traits. He demonstrates that Mussolini's interventionism was once already anti-socialist and anti-democratic within the early autumn of 1914 and indicates how in and during the event of the clash the long run Duce fine-tuned his authoritarian imaginative and prescient of Italy in a nation of everlasting mobilization for battle.
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Additional resources for Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist
Int. Dir. Gen. Ps, Div. AA. GG. , Stampa italiana, F1, 1890–1945, b. 20, fasc. 43, ‘Il Popolo d’Italia’, doc. 104). From February 1915 Mussolini had to appeal to sympathetic readers for ﬁnancial support (OO, VII: 187–8). But a major clue to the relatively independent voice which Il Popolo d’Italia provided Mussolini lies in the title of the new paper, which recalled L’Italia del Popolo of Mazzini (De Felice, 1965: 276, n. 1). If Mazzinianism now deﬁned Mussolini’s position, he was on track for a collision with Italy’s ruling conservative élites, and this in fact transpired.
77). While, as we have seen, nothing concrete was mentioned in the programme of San Sepolcro about the industrial proletariat, Mussolini’s speeches at the meeting supported the eight-hour day, old-age and invalidity pensions, and even workers’ control over industries. He also came out in favour of an expropriation of war proﬁts (OO, XII: 320–27). However, such proposals were few and far between after mid-November, when his proposed Constituent Assembly of Interventionism had come to nought (OO, XI: 469–72; XII: 3–5, 9–10, 172–4, 193–6, 222–4, 242–5, 249–52, 256–8).
The question, however, was ‘how to impede – now – the “social” repercussions of this revolution initiated and completed by the victorious war’ (OO, XI: 469–72). Not social revolution but calls for a pre-emptive re-channelling of imminent social grievance before it got out of control and veered towards anti-State militancy characterized Mussolini’s ‘pro-worker’ writings. His 14 November article noted that the purpose of calling for the minimum wage and a reduction of the working week was ‘to keep the proletariat on the [national terrain]’ (OO, XII: 3–5).