By Robert Gerwarth, Erez Manela
Empires at struggle, 1911-1923 deals a brand new point of view at the background of the nice warfare, taking a look at the struggle past the generally-accepted 1914-1918 timeline, and as a world warfare among empires, instead of a ecu warfare among nation-states.
The quantity expands the tale of the conflict either in time and area to incorporate the violent conflicts that preceded and global struggle I, from the 1911 Italian invasion of Libya to the large violence that the cave in of the Ottoman, Russian, and Austrian empires till 1923. It argues that the conventional specialize in the interval among August 1914 and November 1918 makes extra experience for the successful western entrance powers (notably Britain and France), than it does for far of central-eastern and south-eastern Europe or for these colonial troops whose demobilization didn't commence in November 1918. The paroxysm of 1914-18 needs to be visible within the wider context of armed imperial clash that started in 1911 and didn't finish till 1923.
If we take the good battle heavily as a global battle, we needs to, a century after the development, undertake a point of view that does justice extra totally to the thousands of imperial topics known as upon to guard their imperial governments' curiosity, to theatres of struggle that lay a long way past Europe together with in Asia and Africa and, extra ordinarily, to the wartime roles and reports of innumerable peoples from open air the eu continent. Empires at War additionally tells the tale of the vast, international mobilizations that observed African squaddies and chinese language labourers within the trenches of the Western entrance, Indian troops in Jerusalem, and the japanese army occupying chinese language territory. ultimately, the quantity exhibits how the conflict set the level for the cave in not just of particular empires yet of the imperial international order.
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Additional info for Empires at War: 1911-1923
A violent dynamic emerged, and grew stronger as the war continued: the state took pre-emptive measures against populations whose loyalty it suspected, while those steps in turn antagonized entire regions. The conflicts that resulted from these state policies together with wartime conditions of hunger, disease, and famine, over the course of four years, dissolved all remaining imperial sinews. Armenian conscripts, in particular, were suspected of deserting to the Russian side as soon as the war began.
Meşrutiyet Devrinde İttihat ve Terakki’ye Karşı Çıkanlar (Istanbul: Dergâh Yayınları, 1990), 72. 14 Timothy W. Childs, Italo-Turkish Diplomacy and the War over Libya, 1911–1912 (New York: Brill, 1990), 36. For responses outside the empire, see Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, Frontier Fictions: Shaping the Iranian Nation, 1804–1946 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 144; Mohammad Hassan Kavousi Araghi and Nasrollah Salehi (eds), Jihadieh: The Holy War Fatwas of the Grand Ulama and Mujtaheds in World War I (Tehran: Unit for Documentary Publication, 1997).
1928), 3. 18 Mustafa Aksakal The answers to all these questions depend on the sources one interrogates. istening to largely European diplomatic accounts, historians might reach the conL clusion that it was the empire’s own mismanagement that assured its end. When Ottoman sources are privileged, a different picture tends to emerge, one in which the empire appears as a ‘Victim of European Imperialism’, always groaning under the predatory practices of the European Great Powers that sought its partition, in a game known as the ‘Eastern Question’, ever since Catherine the Great set her eyes on ‘Tsargrad’ (that is, Constantinople/Istanbul) and Napoleon Bonaparte declared that whoever possesses Constantinople could govern the world.