Constructions and Language Change by Bergs, Alexander, Alexander Bergs

By Bergs, Alexander, Alexander Bergs

Stories in diachronic linguistics more and more recognize that linguistic swap is extremely context-dependent and in some way tied to buildings as linguistic devices. this is often the 1st quantity to enquire the function of buildings and the potential for constructional ways in linguistic swap. The contributions during this quantity contain either theoretical and empirical experiences, all of that are obtainable for a normal viewers. whereas a few contributions explicitly goal at evaluating and unifying techniques from either conventional grammatical theories and up to date development grammar methods, others provide targeted case stories of exemplary difficulties from a constructional viewpoint. The papers provide a cross-linguistic standpoint and care for a few various language households, starting from Germanic to Austronesian.

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Stanford: Stanford University Press. The grammaticalization of NP of NP patterns 1991 43 Foundations of Cognitive Grammar, Vol. II. Descriptive Application. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Lehmann, Christian 1992 Word order change by grammaticalization. ), Internal and External Factors in Syntactic Change, 395–416. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Lehmann, Christian 1995 [1982] Thoughts on Grammaticalization. Munich/Newcastle: LINCOM EUROPA. Lehmann, Christian 2004 Motivation in language: Attempt at systematization.

3sg ‘it is [left] to the discretion of the/a creditor {to take a down payment from one of the guarantors} [manual for legal writing; late 1400s; ProkArs 168] While the attributive, adjective-like usage (1a) in a range of meanings is the most frequent in my corpus, we will see that the PA’s function can often be determined only from the specific context in which the form occurs, and sometimes even the context leaves us without an unambiguous analysis. This functional indeterminacy raises the question of the relationship between the PA’s morphosemantic structure and its contextual distribution, both of which are crucial to our understanding of how and why the PA developed the functional range it did in OCz.

Via the changes in (2) (“Cxn” is short for “construction”):6 (2) [NP1 [of NP2]] Head = NP1 Partitive Cxn > > > [[NP1 of] NP2] Head = NP2 Complex Determiner/Quantifier Cxn There are at least three robust criteria for determining when the Complex Determiner/Quantifier (CompDet/Quant) construction, as opposed to the Partitive7 construction is involved (see Denison 2002, 2005): a) agreement patterns: in the Partitive construction the initial determiner agrees in number with N1 (these kinds of skill), but in the CompDet/Quant construction it agrees with N2 (these kind of skills), at least in colloquial use b) in the Partitive construction NP2 may be preposed (of an apple a bit) but not in the CompDet/Quant construction (*of a liar a bit) c) in the CompDet/Quant, but not in the Partitive construction, a N1 of can be replaced by one word: a bit of/rather/quite a talker.

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