Class Struggle in Hollywood, 1930-1950: Moguls, Mobsters, by Gerald Horne

By Gerald Horne

As global battle II wound down in 1945 and the chilly warfare heated up, the expert trades that made up the convention of Studio Unions (CSU) started a tumultuous strike on the significant Hollywood studios. This turmoil escalated extra whilst the studios retaliated by way of locking out CSU in 1946. This exertions unrest unleashed a fury of Red-baiting that allowed studio moguls to weigh down the union and grab regulate of the creation procedure, with far-reaching consequences.

This engrossing e-book probes the factors and activities of all of the avid gamers to bare the entire tale of the CSU strike and the ensuing lockout of 1946. Gerald Horne attracts largely on basic fabrics and oral histories to rfile how restricted a "threat" the Communist occasion truly posed in Hollywood, at the same time studio moguls effectively used the purple scare to undermine union clout, hinder movie stars from helping hard work, and end up the moguls' personal patriotism.

Horne additionally discloses that, left out amid the turmoil, geared up crime entrenched itself in administration and hard work, gaining huge keep an eye on over either the "product" and the gains of Hollywood. This study demonstrates that the CSU strike and lockout have been a pivotal second in Hollywood background, with outcomes for every little thing from construction values, to the categories of news advised in movies, to everlasting shifts within the facilities of strength.

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Additional info for Class Struggle in Hollywood, 1930-1950: Moguls, Mobsters, Stars, Reds, and Trade Unionists

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52 The screenwriter Philip Dunne also denies that Sorrell was a Red: ‘‘I knew Herb and he wasn’t a Communist at all. ’’ 53 My own conclusion is that Sorrell was not a Communist: in fact, he squabbled with the Communists frequently. However, charging him with being a Red was useful in destabilizing  and bolstering . 26 11:23 OCV:0 CLASS STRUGGLE IN HOLLYWOOD moved to Alabama and then to California. Raised a Methodist and baptized in the Baptist church, he showed few signs during his early life of aspiring to be a Communist.

149 For the  film Dead Reckoning, the producers wanted to include a large bar in a nightclub scene. However, the construction could not take place without a jurisdictional argument between  Local  and ’s Carpenters Local  over who would be in charge. 151 Diminishing such disputes provided another motivation for the moguls to seek the weakening of union strength. Why were there so many jurisdictional problems in Hollywood? B. B. Kahane, a vice president at Columbia, said that in other factories, contentious issues are debated and settled.

Such weaknesses led him ineluctably into conflict with the Communist Party, which prided itself—inter alia—on its staunch defense of African Americans. Many Communists viewed Herb Sorrell with some contempt. The Los Angeles party’s labor secretary, Ben Dobbs—whose father was a studio painter—felt that ‘‘it was a horror to listen to this man. . [H]e would scratch his head and look at me and say . . ’’ After  had made itself vulnerable to the  lockout, Dobbs recalled sadly that this defeat ‘‘just swept the progressive movement straight out of the AF of L here in [Los Angeles].

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