Changes in Censuses from Imperialist to Welfare States: How by Rebecca Jean Emigh, Dylan Riley, Patricia Ahmed

By Rebecca Jean Emigh, Dylan Riley, Patricia Ahmed

Alterations in Censuses from Imperialist to Welfare States , the second one of 2 volumes, makes use of historic and comparative easy methods to examine censuses or census-like details within the uk, the U.S., and Italy, beginning in England over one-thousand years in the past.

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Changes in Censuses from Imperialist to Welfare States: How Societies and States Count

Adjustments in Censuses from Imperialist to Welfare States , the second one of 2 volumes, makes use of historic and comparative how to research censuses or census-like info within the uk, the us, and Italy, beginning in England over one-thousand years in the past.

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22 CHANGES IN CENSUSES and administrative problems. For example, Skocpol and Rueschemeyer (1996:3) argued that states began to collect extensive information to address class conflict and industrialization. The emergence of planning, especially after the 1930s, required new forms of information about demography and resources (Desrosières 2008:42–44, 86–87). Intellectuals, allied with states, collected information relevant to social problems and deployed that information in policies (Frankel 2006:1–2; Heclo 1974:304; Higgs 2004a:131–132; James and Redding 2005:191; Lacey and Furner 1993:35–37; Schweber 1996:189; Skocpol and Rueschemeyer 1996:5; Weir and Skocpol 1985:118–119; Woolf 1989:601).

This transformation subjected the census more closely to ministerial control than before and further tightened the longstanding link between public health and the census (Bisset-Smith 1921:52; Higgs 2005:190; Newman 1971:4). The 1920 Census Act also allowed local government authorities to apply to the Ministry of Health to take local censuses if they could be shown to be necessary (Abbott 1922:832; Newman 1971:4). In general, the censuses after 1918 were more insulated from the elite lobbies and more open to nonelite public opinion than the previous ones.

In contrast, Anderson (1988:33) linked census changes to social structural ones. In Italy, the success and accuracy of the census is assumed to reflect the institutional history of the state bureaucracy (Ipsen 1996:78–89; Marucco 1996:128– 138). Nevertheless, it sharply reflected the social salience of categories based on place of residence and was strongly shaped by local concerns and organizations (Favero 2001:44–52; Petraccone 2005:7–10; Salvadori 1960:28–29). However, even authors who acknowledged social influences generally emphasized an information explosion linked to the construction of autonomous bureaucracies devoted to taking censuses and thus focus on the state (Anderson 1988:83–115; Higgs 2004a:83–91; Ipsen 1996:50–89).

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